09/14/18

Machiavellian Drug Approval

photo by JoJan; Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported license.

ProPublica noted that when the FDA’s responsibilities expanded in the 1970s, the review times for new drug approvals began to lag to more than 35 months on the average. The AIDS crisis came soon after, leading activists to accuse the FDA of holding back cures and then press the agency for faster drug approval times. One of the then activists, now an assistant professor of epidemiology at Yale, said they were desperate back then and naively thought there were drugs behind the FDA approval curtain being held back by its slow process. “Thirty years of our rash thinking has led us to a place where we know less and less about the drugs that we pay more and more for.”

The activists’ protests helped bring about the Prescription Drug User Fee Act in 1992, which began drug industry contributions to fund FDA salaries. In return, the FDA promised to speed up review times for drugs—within 12 months for normal applications, and 6 months for priority cases. You can probably guess what happened. The more the FDA relied upon industry fees to pay for drug reviews, the greater was its tendency towards approval. “The virginity was lost in ’92,” according to Jerry Avorn, who is a professor at Harvard Medical School. “Once you have that paying relationship, it creates a dynamic that’s not a healthy one.”

In 1993 Pharma funded 27% of the FDA’s scientific review budgets for branded and generic drugs. In 2017, that had increased to 75% or $905 million. Staffers know you don’t get promoted if you aren’t pro-industry. A former FDA medical team leader said: “You don’t survive as a senior official at the FDA unless you’re pro-industry.” He added the FDA has to pay attention to what Congress says, and the industry will lobby to replace you if they don’t like you. The attitude at the agency is: “Keep Congress off your back and make your life easier.”

The FDA’s Center for Drug Evaluation and Research gives internal awards annually to review teams. Former FDA employees said they never saw an award granted to a team that rejected a drug application. Congratulatory emails are sent to review teams by higher-up administrators when a drug is approved. “Nobody gets congratulated for turning a drug down, but you get seriously questioned.” FDA rejections of all drug applications have fallen over 50% since 2008. See the following graph from the above linked article in ProPublica.

Over the past thirty years Congress authorized the FDA to implement at least four major routes to faster approvals. Initially, these pathways were supposed to be the exception to the rule, but now they seem to have become the rule.  In 1988 Congress authorized the FDA to create “fast track” regulations. In 1992 the Prescription Drug User Fee Act formalized “accelerated approval” and “priority review.” Then when the law was reauthorized in 1997, the goal for review times was lowered to ten months. Finally, in 2012, the designation of “breakthrough therapy” enabled the FDA to waive normal procedures for drugs “that showed substantial improvement over available treatments.”

Sixty-eight percent of novel drugs approved by the FDA between 2014 and 2016 qualified for one or more of these accelerated pathways, Kesselheim and his colleagues have found. Once described by Rachel Sherman, now FDA principal deputy commissioner, as a program for “knock your socks off, home run” treatments, the “breakthrough therapy” label was doled out to 28 percent of drugs approved from 2014 to 2016.

The industry’s lobbying group, Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), is pressing for even faster approvals. A policy memo on its website warns of “needless delays in drug review and approval that lead to longer developmental times.” Aaron Kesselheim, an associate professor at Harvard Medical School said he thought it was reasonable to want to move drugs faster, particularly for “an extremely promising new product, which treats a serious or life-threatening disease.” When you do that, he said the key factor “is that you’ve got to make sure you closely follow the drug in a thoughtful way and unfortunately, too often we don’t do that in the U.S.” FDA approvals of novel drug applications have nearly doubled since 2008. See the following graph from the above linked article in ProPublica.

Nuplazid, a drug for hallucinations and delusions associated with Parkinson’s disease, was an example of the potential consequences from this accelerated approval process in Caroline Chen’s article for ProPublica. The drug was created in 2001 by a chemist at Acadia Pharmaceuticals. In 2009 it failed to prove its benefit over a placebo in the first of two Phase 3 clinical trials; two successful Phase 3 trials are required. The company halted the second trial and asked the FDA for permission to revise the scale used to measure benefit. They argued the original scale was typically used for schizophrenia assessments and thus wasn’t appropriate for Parkinson’s-related psychosis.

Given that Acadia didn’t raise this issue with the FDA until after its failed clinical trial, their objection seems like sour grapes to me. Why didn’t they use the revised scale from the beginning? Nevertheless, the FDA agreed to this new scale—even though it had never been used before in a study for drug approval! Then, since there were no treatments approved for Parkinson’s-related psychosis, the FDA granted Acadia’s request for break-through therapy status, meaning Nuplazid now only needed one positive Phase 3 clinical instead of two for approval. “In 2012, Acadia finally got the positive trial results it had hoped for. In a study of 199 patients, Nuplazid showed a small but statistically significant advantage over a placebo.”

An FDA medical reviewer was skeptical of Nuplazid. In analyzing all of the drug’s trial results, he calculated you would have to treat 91 patients to get seven who would receive the full benefit. Five of those 91 would suffer “serious adverse events,” including one death. He recommended against approval, citing “an unacceptably increased, drug-related, safety risk of mortality and serious morbidity.” So the FDA convened an advisory committee to help it decide. That committee eventually voted 12-2 to recommend accelerated approval.

Fifteen members of the public testified at its hearing. Three were physicians who were paid consultants for Acadia. Four worked with Parkinson’s advocacy organizations funded by Acadia. The company paid for the travel of three other witnesses who were relatives of Parkinson’s patients, and made videos shown to the committee of two other caregivers. Two speakers, the daughter and granddaughter of a woman who suffered from Parkinson’s, said they had no financial relationship with Acadia. However, the granddaughter is now a paid “brand ambassador” for Nuplazid. All begged the FDA to approve Nuplazid. . . . The only speaker who urged the FDA to reject the drug was a scientist at the National Center for Health Research who has never had any financial relationship with Acadia.

Since Nuplazid was approved in 2016, Acadia raised its price twice from the original base price of $24,000 to more than $33,000. “There have been 6,800 reports of adverse events for patients on the drug, including 887 deaths” as of March 31st of 2018. In more than 400 instances Nuplazid was associated with worsening hallucinations—“one of the very symptoms it was supposed to treat.” After a CNN report about adverse events related to Nuplazid in April of 2018, the FDA began an evaluation. There are more examples of drugs-gone-bad after approval in the article.

Although the FDA expedites drug approvals, it will wait ten years or more for the post-marketing studies manufacturers agree to do when their drug is approved. Studies on Nuplazid aren’t expected until 2021. One of the reasons post-marketing studies take so long to complete is the fact it’s harder to recruit patients to risk being given a placebo when the drug is available on the market. In addition, the manufacturer no longer has a financial incentive to study its impact since the drug is on the market and could lose money if the results are negative. “Of post-marketing studies agreed to by manufacturers in 2009 and 2010, 20 percent had not started five years later, and another 25 percent were still ongoing.”

The FDA has the authority to issue fines or pull a drug from the market if a manufacturer doesn’t meet its post-marketing requirements. “Yet the agency has never fined a company for missing a deadline.”  The agency would have the burden to show the company was dragging its feet, which could be difficult to prove. “It’d be an administrative thing that companies could contest,” according to the FDA director of the Center for Drug Evaluation and Research.

Michael Carome, the director of the health research group for Public Citizen, a nonprofit advocacy organization, said instead of a regulator and a regulated industry, we now have a partnership. “That relationship has tilted the agency away from a public health perspective to an industry friendly perspective.”

In “FDA’s revolving door,” Charles Piller pointed out how many former FDA employees end up working or consulting for the drug makers they previously regulated. There are safeguards that are supposed to prevent the prospect of industry employment from affecting an employee’s decisions while at the agency. And there are others to discourage them from exploiting relationships with former colleagues after they leave. But the reality seems to be somewhat different. Piller cited a 2016 BMJ article that found 15 of 26 FDA employees who had conducted reviews over a 9-year time period in the hematology oncology field later worked or consulted for the biopharmaceutical industry.

Science has discovered that 11 of 16 FDA medical examiners who worked on 28 drug approvals and then left the agency for new jobs are now employed by or consult for the companies they recently regulated. This can create at least the appearance of conflicts of interest.

The co-author of the 2016 BMJ study thought that weak federal restrictions and the expectation of future employment inevitably biases how FDA staffers conduct drug reviews. “When your No. 1 major employer after you leave your job is sitting across the table from you, you’re not going to be a hard-ass when you regulate. That’s just human nature.” No, that’s not human nature, it’s just plain Machiavellian behavior—whether you’re doing whatever it takes to get your drugs on the market or whether you’re trying to position yourself for a future job with Pharma as you regulate their drugs.

08/24/18

Misleading Pharma Ads

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Pfizer had a killer direct-to-consumer ad for its anti-cholesterol drug Lipitor in 2006-2008. Robert Jarvik, identified as the inventor of the artificial heart, turns to the camera and says, “Just because I’m a doctor doesn’t mean I don’t worry about my cholesterol.” After recommending that people use Lipitor, the commercial shows him rowing across a lake. While the ad cost Pfizer $260 million, it played fast and loose with several facts. Robert Jarvik had never been licensed as a medical doctor so he could not legally prescribe anything. He didn’t actually invent the artificial heart; and he didn’t even row the boat in the commercial. “Welcome to the world of direct-to-consumer advertising.”

Television direct-to-consumer (DTC) ads have become the most ubiquitous means of Pharma advertising. It is estimated that a person in the U.S. watching an average of 4.3 hours of broadcast television per day will see nine drugs ads, totaling around 30 hours of direct-to-consumer (DTC) ads each year. In 2017, spending on DTC ads in the U.S. reached $6.1 billion; a 4.6% decrease from 2016 ($6.4 billion).

The FDA has oversight of DTC ads by the pharmaceutical industry through the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act of 1938. Congress approved the Act in an effort to protect the health and safety of U.S. citizens by regulating the food and medical supply. “The Act regulates the pharmaceutical industry to ensure the safety and efficacy of drug produced and sold in the United States, and it gives the FDA authority to carry out its legislative directives.” Amendments in 1962 by Congress to the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act transferred the regulatory authority of prescription drug advertising from the Federal Trade Commission to the FDA. “With the addition of the 1962 amendments, the regulation of drugs became the most consuming, and at times the most controversial, aspect of all the FDA’s activities.”

As a result of these actions, drug companies are required to submit all their promotional materials to the FDA’s Office of Prescription Drug Promotion (OPDP). However, limitations on the capacity and resources of the OPDP mean it cannot review every single ad. Nevertheless, there was not a significant amount of DTC advertising even after the FDA made it possible in 1985.

The Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act has been traditionally understood by the FDA to restrict unapproved or “off-label” promotion use. FDA regulations explicitly prohibit DTC ads from even suggesting any off-label use. While print ads must state all of the risks in the drug’s FDA-approved label in a “brief summary,” broadcast DTC ads are only required to include the major risks, as long as those risks are verbally communicated and the ad provides a source for consumers to access the FDA-approved labeling for the drug.

In 1997, the Division of Drug Marketing, Advertising, and Communications (DDMAC), a sub-division of the Center for Drug Evaluation and Research (CDER), which is a division of the FDA, released guidelines which allow prescription drug manufacturers to comfortably satisfy the legal requirements for advertising their products to the general public. As a result, pharmaceutical companies have swelled their direct-to-consumer (DTC) marketing budgets and provided the advertising industry with a profitable new line of products to promote. Since the regulatory change was announced, name-brand prescription drug use in the United States has increased, drug prices have gone up, a debate over the effects, efficacy and wisdom of DTC ads has ensued, and scores of heath care issues that affect patients, doctors, insurers, and the federal government have risen to the surface.Despite the wide enforcement authority generally given to the FDA, the Act expressly prohibits any requirement that pharmaceutical companies submit drug advertising content for FDA pre-market approval (except in extraordinary circumstances). This provision, grounded in First Amendment doctrine, has led to a regulatory regime that can only offer a pre-market approval process and enforce compliance post-violation.

This protection of the pharmaceutical company’s right to speak has occasionally resulted in ads giving information that did not satisfy the Act’s requirement that all advertisements give a “fair balance” of the drug’s benefits and risks. Drug companies have also used this provision to challenge certain FDA restrictions on off-label marketing.”Recent federal court cases have permitted companies to promote off-label indications, thereby calling into question the FDA’s authority to regulate off-label marketing, even with respect to DTC advertising.”

Adherence to FDA Guidelines in DTC Advertising” by Klara et al. noted where previous studies have found many Pharma companies do not follow the advertisement guidelines set forth by the FDA. They assessed the degree to which recently aired DTC ads (between January 2015 and July 2016) for prescription drugs adhered to FDA regulations and whether off-label use was suggested. They looked at both prescription and over-the-counter medications. Among the 67 ads with unique drug-indication combinations, the most commonly advertised conditions are noted in the following table.

Indication/Condition DTC ads by number & (%)
Inflammatory conditions 12 (17.9%)
Diabetes 11 (16.4%)
Psychiatric/neurological 7 (10.4%)
Cardiovascular 7 (10.4%)
Bowel/bladder dysfunction 6 (9.0%)
Infections/allergic reaction 6 (9.0%)
Sexual dysfunction 4 (6.0%)
Lung 6 (9.0%)
Other 8 (12.0%)

More than ¾ of the ads were to treat chronic conditions; 18% were for intermediate conditions; and 6% were for acute conditions. Sixty percent referred to potential savings on or payment for the drug. And forty percent advertised drugs with black box warnings.

The median time spent describing drug risks was 45% of the ads, while the median time for other forms of communication, such as a description of the benefits or drug indication was 55%.  The median number of risks mentioned was 16. Forty-two percent of ads used a different announcer for risk and benefit information. When all of the ads presented their risk information, there were distracting visuals like frequent scene changes or characters dancing or singing. Seventy-nine percent had running text on screen that was unrelated to the risks, like “See our ad in Weight Watchers.”

Our findings demonstrate that the quality of information in DTC television ads is low: none described drug risks quantitatively; only one-quarter described drug benefits quantitatively; and suggestions of off-label promotion were common for diabetes medications. Though proponents argue that DTC advertising is educational and empowering for consumers, our findings suggest that the information provided is unreliable and potentially misleading. The promotion of off-label indications, poor quality of information, distracting risk presentations, and the fact that risks are never quantified could distort the perception of benefit and risk information.Suggestions of off-label use, a practice that has been expressly prohibited in prescription drug DTC advertising, occurred in 13% of ads in our sample. All of these ads marketed drugs indicated for the treatment of type2 diabetes, and suggested potential benefits of use, including weight loss and blood pressure reduction.

Data were rarely provided to support the drug benefit claims, and the risks were never quantified. “Broadcast DTC advertising could lead patients to make healthcare decisions and request certain expensive, brand-name medications based on ads containing low-quality and incomplete information.” The researchers noted a suggestion that the FDA should review television commercials for prescription drugs before their release to ensure these ads are more informative for the public. They also suggested further study of the impact of off-label marketing by DTC ads on patient and prescriber decisions. “By enacting such a program and by enforcing more objective requirements for DTC advertisements, the FDA could better protect consumers.” Commenting on the above study for Mad in America, Shannon Peters said:

Patients deserve quality, comprehensive information about drug benefits and risks in order to provide informed consent and be truly empowered in their healthcare decisions. In their current form, most DTC advertisements are misleading rather than promoting informed consent.

The website Medical Marketing & Media provided data on DTC ad spending by pharmaceutical companies in 2017.  There has been an overall increase of $2.6 billion yearly from 2012 to 2016. Broadcast TV spending for DTC in 2016 was $4.06 billion, with magazine spending ranking second with $1.7 billion. The top ten companies by U.S. DTC spending were: Pfizer ($1.2 billion); Bristol-Myers Squibb ($458.2 million); AbbVie ($433.3 million); Eli Lilly ($414.7 million); Allergen ($352.3 million); Johnson & Johnson ($292 million); Merck ($285.2 million); Novartis ($254.8 million); AstraZeneca ($226 million); and Novo Nordisk ($206.7 million).

Pfizer eventually cancelled its Lipitor ad campaign with Robert Jarvik after there was a Congressional outcry over false impressions in the ad. But the marketing misstep didn’t stop Lipitor or Pfizer. Lipitor became the world’s best-selling drug with more than $125 billion in sales over 14.5 years. Pfizer also didn’t lose faith in DTC, as it was number one in DTC spending in 2015 and 2016. But I bet they’ve been shrewder in how they marketed their drugs. You can watch the Jarvik Lipitor ad here.