08/8/23

A Misbegotten Stepcousin of Christianity, Part 2

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Christian Smith with Melinda Lundquist Denton introduced the term ‘moralistic therapeutic deism’ (MTD) in their 2005 book, “Soul Searching: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of American Teenagers” to describe what they see as the common beliefs among American youths. Yet it seems to echo a distinction between religion and spirituality that can be traced back to the thought of William James in The Varieties of Religious Experience, which has been in print since 1902. In Part 1 of this article, I looked at the meaning of MTD and here will examine how it emerged from the sense of ‘spiritual not religious’ belief in Alcoholics Anonymous that grew out of James’ Gifford Lectures on the psychological study of individual religious and spiritual experience.

In “’Being Religious’ or ‘Being Spiritual’ in America,” Marler and Hadaway looked at five different surveys done between the late 1980s and 2000 that asked respondents whether they considered themselves to be “religious” or “spiritual.” Are Americans less religious and more spiritual? They concluded the studies could not give a definitive answer. “The most significant finding about the relationship between ‘being religious’ and ‘being spiritual’ is that most Americans see themselves as both.” When potential change can be traced by examining successive age groups, or by comparing more with less churched respondents, “the pattern is towards less religious and less spirituality.”

The net effect is that among less churched and younger Americans there is less agreement about religiousness and spirituality, and change is observed more in the decline of those Roof (2000) identifies as ‘strong believers,’ the religious and spiritual, and the increase in ‘secularists.’

Nevertheless, the Pew Research Center said “More Americans now say they’re spiritual but not religious.” In 2017, Pew noted that 27% of U.S. adults think of themselves as spiritual but not religious, an increase of 8% since 2012. This growth was broad-based, increasing among men and women; Republicans and Democrats; across race/ethnicity; and people of different ages and education levels. It seems to have come mainly at the expense of Americans who considered themselves to be spiritual and religious. The percentage of U.S. adults who say they are spiritual and religious fell by 11 points between 2012 and 2017. See the following graphic to the left taken from the Pew article.

While many of U.S. adults are religiously unaffiliated, describing themselves as atheist, agnostic or “nothing in particular”, most actually do identify with a religious group. Many in the “spiritual but not religious” category have low levels of religious observance, saying they seldom or never attend religious services; and that religion is “not too” or “not at all” important in their lives. Yet others say they attend religious services weekly and 27% say religion is very important to them. See the following chart to the right taken from the Pew article.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Smith and Denton acknowledged the widespread sense of “spiritual seeking” by people who consider themselves as “spiritual but not religious.” They are people who have an interest in spiritual matters but are not devoted to one particular historical spiritual faith or denomination. They are reportedly exploring many faiths and spiritualities in order to find what works for them, that meets their needs. They are open to a multiplicity of truths, willing to mix and match traditionally distinct religious beliefs and practices. “And they are suspicious of a commitment to a single religious congregation.”

They operate, whether self-consciously or not, as religious and spiritual consumers by defining themselves as individual seekers, the authoritative judges of truth and relevance in faith according to how things subjectively feel to them. Such consuming seekers are not religiously rooted or settled but are spiritual nomads on a perpetual quest for greater insight and more authentic and fulfilling experiences.

When Smith and Denton looked at whether American teenagers consider themselves to be spiritual but not religious, only 8 percent said it was very true of them. Forty-six percent said it was somewhat true and 43% said it is not true at all. They also presented data that broke this down further by religious tradition. In the following chart, CP stands for conservative Protestant, MP for mainline Protestant, BP for Black Protestant, RC for Catholic, J for Jewish, LDS for Ladder Day Saints/Mormons, OR for other religions, and NR for not religious.

Smith and Denton would likely explain the difference between their research with teenagers and that from the Pew Center with adults as a product of the teens not understanding the meaning of “spiritual but not religious.” The majority of the teens they interviewed for their study said they had never heard the term before. And if they had heard of the term, they had no clue what it meant. “Although the slogan ‘spiritual but not religious’ can be seen on many bookshelves, read in many newspapers, and heard on many talk shows, very few American teenagers have heard of it, much less learned to what beliefs and lifestyles it refers.” So, they coined the term ‘moralistic therapeutic deism’ to capture what they saw as the basics of teen-centered belief system and suggested it operated as a distinct level within American Religion.

While they acknowledged how the thought of Robert Bellah was incorporated into their level of American Civil Religion, they failed to note the correspondence of their levels of Organizational Religion and Individual Religion to William James’ distinction between institutional and personal religion. See the chart for Figure 2 in Part 1.

In VRE, James said worship, sacrifice, ritual, theology, ceremony and ecclesiastical organization were the essentials of institutional religion. He defined personal religion as “the feelings, acts, and experiences of [the] individual . . . in their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation to whatever they may consider the divine.” James’ sense of institutional religion fits with Smith’s and Denton’s sense of organizational religion (as formal religious institutions and organizations), as his sense of personal religion fits with their sense of individual religion (as the idiosyncratic, eclectic, “lived” beliefs and practices of individuals).

James said that if someone thought the word ‘religion’ should be reserved for the fully organized system of feeling, thought, and institution typically called the church, he invited them to refer to what he called personal religion whatever they wanted. Alcoholics Anonymous began calling it spirituality, where Smith and Denton referred to it as moralistic therapeutic deism.

We live at a time when religious belief in America, particularly Christian religious belief, has been increasingly questioned and challenged as too rigid or doctrinaire. This is especially true for conservative Christians, who are attempting to live by and apply what they see as the teachings of Scripture to their lives during this turbulent time. In “Religious Alcoholics; Anonymous Spirituality” I suggested that the Jamesean distinction of religion and spirituality fails to separate a Christian expression of religion from a non-Christian one, and a biblical sense of spirituality from a nonbiblical one. A richer and nuanced distinction would be between true spirituality and mere spirituality and true religion and mere religion, remembering that “true religion always contains true spirituality.”

In True Spirituality, Francis Schaeffer rejected the possibility that true spirituality could be devoid of biblical content. There cannot be a leap-in-the-dark faith for a Christian; there is no “faith in faith” encounter with the divine. Schaeffer said, “It is believing the specific promises of God, no longer turning our backs on them, no longer calling God a liar, but raising empty hands of faith and accepting that finished work of Christ as it was fulfilled in history on the cross.”

As Smith and Denton said with regard to moralistic therapeutic deism, under the influence of mere religion and mere spirituality, Christianity is degenerating into a pathetic, misbegotten stepcousin of itself. Or worse, it is being displaced by a different religious faith.

I’ve previously described how the sense of ‘spiritual not religious’ found in Alcoholics Anonymous emerged from The Varieties of Religious Experience by William James in several other articles on this website. Search for ‘spiritual not religious,’ on this website. You can start with three related articles, beginning with “What Does Religious Mean?” There are links to the remaining two articles at the end of the article.

07/25/23

A Misbegotten Stepcousin of Christianity, Part 1

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Until I listened to a five-and-a-half minute excerpt from the podcast Ask Christian Counseling Associates, “Moralistic Therapeutic Deism vs Traditional Christianity,” I had never heard of the term. I was surprised to know it has been around since 2005, when “moralistic therapeutic deism” was introduced by Christian Smith with Melinda Lundquist Denton in, “Soul Searching: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of American Teenagers.” It reminded me of the spiritual, not religious distinction made by Alcoholics Anonymous and the recovery-based support groups that use A.A.’s 12 Steps. Smith’s conclusion in “Soul Searching” was that “a significant part of Christianity in the United States is actually only tenuously Christian” and has “rather substantially morphed into” it’s misbegotten stepcousin, Christian Moralistic Therapeutic Deism. The similarities between being the “spiritual, not religious” sense of the 12 Steps and this misbegotten stepcousin of Christianity are worth unpacking.

“Soul Searching” was the result of the National Study of Youth and Religion (NSYR), a research project on the religious and spiritual lives of American adolescents. It was conducted from 2001 to 2005 at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. The NSYR did a national, randomized telephone survey of U.S. households with at least one teenager. Then 17 trained project researchers organized 267 in-depth, face-to-face interviews with a subsample of these telephone survey respondents in 45 states.

Building upon the thought of Robert Bellah in his 1967 essay, for the journal Daedalus, “Civil Religion in America,” Smith and Denton theorized that Moralistic Therapeutic Deism operated on an analogous, but different level of religion to Bellah’s sense of American civil religion. See Figure 2, scanned from “Soul Searching” below.

The bottom level is the eclectic, idiosyncratic, personal beliefs and practices of Individual Religion. Formal religious institutions and organizations of the more systematized and coherent faiths operate on the plane of Organizational Religion. At the peak is the nationally unifying political faith of American Civil Religion. Smith and Denton see Moralistic Therapeutic Deism (MTD) existing on a plane between Individual and Organizational Religion.

Like American civil religion, Moralistic Therapeutic Deism appropriates, abstracts, and revises doctrinal elements from mostly Christianity and Judaism for its own purpose. But it does so in a downward, apolitical direction. Its social function is not to unify and give purpose to the nation at the level of civic affairs. Rather, it functions to foster subjective well-being in its believers and to lubricate interpersonal relationships in the local public sphere. Moralistic Therapeutic Deism exists, with God’s aid, to help people succeed in life, to make them feel good, and to help them get along with others—who otherwise are different—in school, work, on the team, and in other routine areas of life.

Suggesting that religion in the U.S. operates on those levels includes interaction and influence on each other, according to Smith and Denton. Individual beliefs are shaped in part by the teachings of organized religions, as well as horoscopes, talk shows, etc. American civil religion is affected by both liberal religious activism as well as the Religious Right (or in more current terminology, Christian Nationalism), operating at the level of a formal religious organization. “The same observation about interlevel interaction and influence is also true of Moralistic Therapeutic Deism. It helps organize and harmonize individual religious beliefs below it.”

It also mirrors and may very well interface with American civil religion at the highest level by providing the nation’s inhabitants a parallel and complementary common, unifying, functional faith that operates at a more apolitical, private, and interpersonal level of human life.

Smith and Denton said the “creed” of moralistic therapeutic deism can be codified into five beliefs (pp. 162-63):

  1. A God exists who created and orders the world and watches over human life on earth.
  2. God wants people to be good, nice, and fair to each other, as taught in the bible and by most world religions.
  3. The central goal of life is to be happy and to feel good about oneself.
  4. God does not need to be particularly involved in one’s life except when God is needed to resolve a problem.
  5. Good people go to heaven when they die.

MTD is about instilling a moralistic approach to life. “Central to living a good and happy life is being a good, moral, person.” This includes being nice, kind, pleasant, respectful, responsible, working on self-improvement taking care on one’s health, and doing your best to be successful. MTD is about providing therapeutic benefits. It’s not a religion of repentance from sin, of saying your prayers, of keeping the Sabbath and holy days, “of living as a servant of a sovereign divine”, of building character through suffering.

It is about attaining subjective well-being, being able to resolve problems, and getting along amiably with other people. . . As long as one is happy, why bother with being able to talk about the belief content of one’s faith? Lastly, MTD is about a particular understanding about God. God exists, created the world and defines our general moral order, but is not one who is particularly personally involved in one’s affairs—especially affairs in which one would prefer not to have God involved. Most of the time, the God of this faith keeps a safe distance.

Anyone familiar with the teachings and beliefs of conservative, biblical, Christianity can see the problems with this so-called “creed.” It seems to equate biblical teaching and that of other religions, blurring an important distinction between special and common grace. It has a self-centered focus, ignoring that humanity’s “chief end” (according to the Westminster Shorter Catechism) is to glorify God, and enjoy him forever. He is not the Divine Butler and Cosmic Therapist.

This God is not demanding. He actually can’t be, because his job is to solve our problems and make people feel good. In short, God is something like a combination Divine Butler and Cosmic Therapist; he is always on call, takes care of any problems that arise, professionally helps his people feel better about themselves, and does not become too personally involved in the process.

Ultimately, it is Christless. The self-sacrifice of Christ in order to sanctify and cleanse us is not necessary. Saying he was the way, the truth and the life; that no one comes to the Father except through him (John 14:6) was a misstatement. In their Conclusion for chapter four, “God, Religion, Whatever,” Smith and Denton said:

We have come with some confidence to believe that a significant part of Christianity in the United States is actually only tenuously Christian in any sense that is seriously connected to the actual historical Christian tradition, but has rather substantially morphed into Christianity’s misbegotten stepcousin, Christian Moralistic Therapeutic Deism. This has happened in the minds and hearts on many individual believers and, it also appears, within the structures of at least some Christian organizations and institutions. The language, and therefore the experience, of Trinity, holiness, sin, grace, justification, sanctification, church, Eucharist, and heaven and hell appear, at the very least, to be supplanted by the language of happiness, niceness, and an earned heavenly reward. It is not so much that U.S. Christianity is being secularized. Rather more subtly, Christianity is either degenerating into a pathetic version of itself or, more significantly, Christianity is actively being colonized and displaced by a quite different religious faith.

A Google search of the term found over 35,000 references to “moralistic therapeutic deism.” There have been many different reflections on the implications of MTD. It is more than simply a problem in youth ministry. Writing for The Gospel Coalition, Brian Cosby said MTD runs counter to the gospel of Jesus Christ. God is not the divine genie, dispensing wishes, but Immanuel—he became human “to seek and save his bride.” By faith alone, through his life, death, and resurrection Jesus Christ has accomplished everything God has required of us. And only those who come through him will see the Father in heaven.

Albert Mohler said the radical transformation of Christian theology and Christian belief in MTD replaced the sovereignty of God with the sovereignty of self. Human problems are reduced to pathologies in need of a treatment plan. “Sin is simply excluded from the picture, and doctrines as central as the wrath and justice of God are discarded as out of step with the times and unhelpful to the project of self-actualization.”

We now face the challenge of evangelizing a nation that largely considers itself Christian, overwhelmingly believes in some deity, considers itself fervently religious, but has virtually no connection to historic Christianity. Christian Smith and his colleagues have performed an enormous service for the church of the Lord Jesus Christ in identifying Moralistic Therapeutic Deism as the dominant religion of this American age. Our responsibility is to prepare the church to respond to this new religion, understanding that it represents the greatest competitor to biblical Christianity.

I would disagree with Dr. Mohler that MTD is a new religion in the sense that it has existed with individuals saying they are spiritual, not religious which can be traced back to the thought of William James over 100 years ago. He distinguished institutional religion from personal religion in his seminal work, The Varieties of Religious Experience. See part 2 for how MTD emerged from the sense of spiritual, not religious belief.

11/8/22

Is AA Religious?

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Roger C. announced in June of 2022 that his article, “The Last Post on AA Agnostica,” would be the final new article posted on the website. AA Agnostica would remain online, but there will be no more new articles. He said in the eleven years since it was launched, AA Agnostica has been a comfort for those who could not stand “all the God stuff at traditional AA meetings,” like ending with the Lord’s Prayer. “All the God stuff” makes AA religious.

Roger said he was treated with disrespect at traditional AA meetings because he didn’t believe in God and was told that without God, he would get drunk again. While that prediction did not come true, it seemed to motivate him to start the website, AA Agnostica. There are several resources in addition to its 746 other articles, including a listing of secular group websites, alternative 12 Steps and literature. There is also a link to a 2015 self-published book edited by Roger, Do Tell! Stories by Atheists and Agnostics in AA (available on Amazon). It contains thirty stories by people who do not believe that “an interventionist deity—a God—had anything at all to do with their recovery from alcoholism.”

In the first chapter of Do Tell! Stories by Atheists and Agnostics in AA, “Reshaping the AA Culture,” Roger C. pointed out that the fellowship and the book from which it gleans its name, Alcoholics Anonymous, was “mired” in the predominantly American Christian culture of the Thirties and Forties. He described how God was mentioned (in one way or another) in six of the 12 Steps. A section from “How It Works,” chapter five of the Big Book, is typically read at the beginning of an AA meeting. The reading says that “probably no human power could have relieved our alcoholism” but the God could and would do so “if He were sought.” A so-called “traditional” AA meeting ends by reciting the Lord’s Prayer.

The point he’s attempting to make is that despite various judicial decisions have found AA to be a religious organization, AA has failed to respond because it sees the rulings as “outside issues,” which he believes is incorrect. See “The Courts, AA and Religion” on the AA Agnostica website for the rulings.

He believes this is an “inside issue” that needs to be addressed by AA. However, Roger C. does not think the Big Book should be revised or rewritten. “It lays the foundation for what does work for alcoholics: the very human power of one alcoholic talking to another alcoholic.” This, he said, is what assists alcoholics in working towards “recovery from alcoholism and is the very essence of the fellowship of AA.”

It is true that U.S. Courts have ruled that AA is a “religion.” However, I think these rulings and Roger C.’s claim it is an “inside” issue to AA are based on an understanding of what constitutes a religion in modern culture that is different than what AA itself believes. Pointing to references to “God,” and saying the Lord’s Prayer as evidence that AA is religious stems from Edmund Tylor’s definition of religion as “the belief in spiritual beings.” AA seems to follow Emile Durkheim, who thought religion was a product of society and should not be defined just in terms of ideas of divinity or spiritual beings. AA also explicitly credits how its sense of religion and spirituality is drawn from William James in The Varieties of Religious Experience.

In “What Does Religious Mean?” I discussed how Tylor’s understanding seems to have influenced the legal decisions within American culture and the U.S. court system. Then I continued to unpack how William James influenced the spiritual, not religious understanding within AA in “Spiritual, not Religious Experience” and “The God of the Preachers.” I agree with AA that the Court decisions ruling that AA is religious is an outside, rather than an inside issue to the fellowship.

Some Christians, like Martin and Deidre Bobgan in 12 Steps to Destruction, make the same error, viewing AA as religious. They claim A.A. is a Christless religion, offering up a counterfeit salvation. “Because of the many versions of God represented in A.A., professing Christians are uniting themselves with a spiritual harlot when they join A.A.” In The Useful Lie, William Playfair claimed when Christians go to AA for help, they unwittingly side against Biblical Christianity.

In Religious Alcoholics; Anonymous Spirituality,” I suggested a more helpful discussion would distinguish between true religion and mere religion; true spirituality and mere spirituality. Mere religion or mere spirituality are concepts consistent with Durkheim’s and James’ understanding of religion and spirituality (called personal religion in The Varieties of Religious Experience, VRE).

The emptiness of ritual or worship (mere religion) without a heart for God (true spirituality) is noted in Hosea 6:6, “For I desire steadfast love and not sacrifice, the knowledge of God rather than burnt offerings.” Again, the same contrast appears in Micah 6:7-8, “For You will not delight in sacrifice or I would bring it; you will not be pleased with a burnt offering. The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit; a broken and contrite heart, O God, You will not despise.” True religion always contains true spirituality.

At its best, Twelve Step spirituality rises only to the level of general revelation or common grace. There is a God and sobriety is better than drunkenness. True spirituality requires that we confess with our mouth that Jesus is Lord and believe in our heart that God raised Him from the dead (Rom. 10:9). True spirituality requires true religion. In his book, “True Spirituality,” Francis Schaeffer rejected the possibility of true spirituality devoid of biblical content. There cannot be a leap-in-the-dark faith for a Christian; there is no “faith in faith” encounter with the divine.

Twelve Step spirituality is nothing more than common grace or mere spirituality. Following the thought of William James in VRE, it rejects institutional religion, which he defined worship, sacrifice, ritual, theology, ceremony and ecclesiastical organization. Personal religion/spirituality for his purposes, was “the feelings, acts and experiences of [the] individual . . . in their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation to whatever they may consider to be divine.” In the broadest sense possible, this spirituality consisted of the belief that there was an unseen order to existence, and supreme good lay in harmoniously adjusting to that order.

A higher power could be anything that was other than and larger than the person’s conscious self. Towards that end, James said that spiritual experience could only testify unequivocally to two things: the possible union with something larger than oneself and the great peace that was found within that union. Spiritual encounters would not unconditionally confirm a traditional belief in the one and only infinite God. James suggested that the practical needs and occasions of religion were sufficiently met by the belief that beyond each person, a larger power existed that was friendly to him and his ideals. All that was required was that the power should be both other than and larger than a personal conscious self. “Anything larger will do, if only it be large enough to trust for the next step. It need not be infinite; it need not be solitary. It might conceivably be only a larger and more godlike self.”

A.A. has consistently avoided an understanding of this higher power as G-O-D (as good, orderly direction) beyond the above discussion of William James in the Varieties of Religious Experience. Devoid of a true religious understanding of God and Jesus Christ, as we see in Romans 10:9, it is not a religion, as defined in the VRE. It won’t lead you to a relationship with Christ, but if you practice its 12 Steps, it may help you establish and maintain abstinence from alcohol.

03/5/19

Categorizing Americans by Their Religious Beliefs and Practices

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Religious surveys continue to report their results within pre-defined, conventional religious categories such as Evangelical Protestants, Mainline Protestants, Catholics, Mormons, Orthodox Christians, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Jews, Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus, and other faiths or affiliations. Then there are those who see themselves as atheist, agnostic or unaffiliated with a particular religious group—the infamous “nones.” There are literally hundreds of identities or affiliations within which Americans sort themselves. But a Pew Research Center analysis used a different kind of typology of religion in America—one that cut across denominations, uniting people of different faiths and dividing people with the same affiliation.

The new Pew typology is not meant to replace conventional affiliations. Rather, it aims to offer a complementary way to look into religion and public life in the U.S. Instead of dividing the data by separating the respondents into commonly understood groups like Catholics, Jews and Muslims, researchers used a statistical technique called cluster analysis to tease out “cohesive groups of people with similar religious and spiritual characteristics, regardless of their religious affiliation.”

Specifically, 16 questions from the survey covering a variety of religious and spiritual domains were combined in a statistical model to define the seven typology groups. The model did not include any demographic questions or Pew Research Center’s standard question about religious affiliation, meaning that the religious tradition – or lack thereof – with which respondents identify did not affect their placement in a typology group. Though only 16 questions were used to create the groups, many additional questions were asked of the survey respondents and are included in this report.

The typology sorted Americans into seven groups based on the religious and spiritual beliefs they shared, how actively they practice their faith, the value they place on their religion, and some other sources of meaning and fulfillment in their lives. “Race, ethnicity, age education and political opinions were not among the characteristics used to create the groups.” See the following chart for the religious typology.

The names of the typology groups attempt to convey distinguishing characteristics in just a few words, but do so imperfectly. “For example, ‘Sunday Stalwarts’ includes some highly religious people (such as Jews, Muslims, and Seventh-day Adventists) who do not observe the Sabbath on Sunday.” Yet nine-in-ten respondents identify with Christian churches that hold services on Sunday. The broader group categories—highly religious, somewhat religious and nonreligious—are meant to communicate general characteristics about their subgroups. See the “Complete Report PDF” link for more information on these groups.

Sunday Stalwarts frequently attend religious services and read scripture. Around 80% of Sunday Stalwarts attend religious services at least once a week—three times greater than God-and-Country believers. This is roughly seven times larger than the Diversely Devout. Virtually all the Sunday Stalwarts said they were active in church groups or other religious organizations. And 72% read their Bible or sacred text daily. Religion is the single most important source of meaning in their life for 67% of Sunday Stalwarts. “No more than four-in-ten members of any others group value their faith so highly.” See the following chart.

Interestingly, God-and–Country Believers were more likely to approve Donald Trump’s performance as president. “And fully two-thirds say immigrants are a threat to American values and customs, the largest share of any group.”

On many measures of religious practice and belief, God-and-Country Believers fall squarely between the two other highly religious groups. About four-in-ten say religion is the single most important source of meaning in their lives, well below Sunday Stalwarts but above the Diversely Devout. And 72% say they pray daily; by contrast, 84% of all Sunday Stalwarts and 58% of the Diversely Devout say they pray as often.

New Age beliefs and some demographics set the Diversely Devout apart from other highly religious Americans. The majority value religion and see themselves as religious, while “they are the only highly religious group in which majorities also embrace a variety of New Age beliefs.” They are almost twice as likely to believe in psychics as either Sunday Stalwarts or God-and-Country (68% vs. 32% and 28%, respectively) and three times more likely to believe in astrology or reincarnation.

And the belief that spiritual energy can be located in physical objects like mountains, trees or crystals was included in the cluster model and is one of the defining characteristics of this group – 95% of the Diversely Devout say they believe this, compared with 29% of Sunday Stalwarts and none of the God-and-Country Believers. [See the “Pew Research Center analysis” link for more information on New Age beliefs]

An intriguing finding was that two-thirds of Religion Resisters saw themselves as spiritual, but not religious. Almost half of all U.S. adults consider themselves to be religious and spiritual. “One-quarter of Americans (24%) say they are spiritual but not religious.” Another 77% of the Solidly Secular described themselves as neither spiritual nor religious. And very few Americans (4%) see themselves as religious but not spiritual. See the following table.

I find it extremely interesting that data on “spiritual” and “religious” fall as they do. Highly religious groups overwhelmingly see themselves as both spiritual and religious, while the Solidly Secular see themselves as not spiritual or religious in roughly the same percentages. The Religious Resisters at 66% for spiritual, not religious is consistent with what William James in The Varieties of Religious Experience described as institutional religion and personal religion. We seem to be living in a time period that sees itself much as what he described 100 years ago.

Not surprisingly, the Relaxed religious and Spiritually Awake do not put as much importance on religion as the highly religious groups. “By contrast, the vast majority of Religion Resisters (89%) and the Solidly Secular (93%) express that religion is “not too” or “not at all” important in their lives.” Most Solidly Secular and Religion Resisters say they seldom or never pray—the mirror image of Sunday Stalwarts and God-and-Country Believers. See the following table.

Most of the highly religious say a belief in God is necessary to be moral. The Sunday Stalwarts (62%) had a slimmer majority saying a person needed to believe in God in order to be moral and have good values. Conversely, nearly all of those who were in the somewhat religious or nonreligious groups said it was not necessary to believe in God to be moral. See the following table.

When making decisions about right or wrong, respondents were asked which of four potential sources of guidance—religious teachings and beliefs, philosophy and reason, practical experience and common sense, or scientific information—helped them make decisions about right and wrong. Majorities in all of the typology groups turned to practical experience and common sense for guidance. Many people in the highly religious groups relied on religious teaching and beliefs. Religious Resisters (47%) and Solidly Secular (55%) looked to scientific information for guidance on matters of right and wrong. See the following table.

I have merely scratched the surface with this new typology by the Pew Research Center. For example, none of the data on “Politics and Policy” was included. Nor were the demographic characteristics of the religious typology groups included.  Would you be surprised to discover that one-third of all Sunday Stalwarts were over 65; and that among nonreligious groups three-in-ten adults were under thirty? The advantages of this new typology included a way to bypass the limitations of a conventional typology without losing the significance of some of the data. The religious-secular continuum remains without the restrictions inherent with conventional categories. See the Following chart for the questions used to define the cluster groups.

What stands out with this new typology by the Pew Research Center for me is that many of the findings previously attributed to the conventional categories of Christianity such as “Evangelical “are equally true for other religious groups that fit into the Sunday Stalwarts group. The questions used to define the cluster groups extended the data to religious conservatives of all faiths. For example, when asked about whether belief in the Bible should be taken literally, the question was worded as “Bible/holy book.” And when asked whether or not someone believed in the God of the Bible, one of the options was “Don’t believe in God of the Bible, do believe in higher power.” The influence of conservative beliefs and practices of religious engagement, spiritual and religious identity, religious beliefs, sources of meaning and religion’s impact is not limited to just Christian Evangelicals.

10/19/18

Feuding Ideologies, Part 2

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In the first paragraph of “Dying To Be Free,” you are introduced to Patrick, a smiling 25 year-old who had just completed a 30-day drug treatment center. Among his possessions was “a talisman he’d been given by the treatment facility: a hardcover fourth edition of the Alcoholics Anonymous bible known as ‘The Big Book.” It pages were full of highlights and Post-It notes. He was said to be a “natural” 12-step convert. Four days later, his father found him dead of an overdose.

As you read about Patrick’s struggles with addiction, you get a picture of how he and his parents tried to help him establish sobriety. There is a reference to his residential treatment stay as a “30-day wonder,” where he received a crash course on the tenets of the 12-steps. “Staff at the center expected addicts to reach a sort of divine moment but gave them few days and few tools to get there.” In Part 1 of this article, I addressed concerns that an underlying ideology of addiction as a strictly biomedical disease contributed to a biased, distorted picture of addiction treatment in the U.S. by the author of “Dying To Be Free.” Here we will look at how he also misrepresents the recovery philosophy and history of A.A.

There is a preponderance of religious or magical rhetoric when describing 12 Step, abstinent-based change in “Dying To Be Free.” Already we’ve noted the main text of Alcoholics Anonymous, also called Alcoholics Anonymous, was referred to as a talisman and a “bible.” Patrick was a “natural 12-step convert.” Another reference described the A.A. Big Book as being the size of a hymnal, with an appeal to faith made in “the rat-a-tat cadence of a door-to-door salesman.” Addicts at a certain treatment center were supposed to “reach a sort of divine moment” in treatment or recovery. Entering the drug treatment system, which is dominated by the principles of abstinence embedded in the 12-Steps, was said to require a “leap of faith.”

In a description of the Grateful Life Treatment Center in northern Kentucky, it was noted that the wall above the desk of the center’s intake supervisor had a “Jesus bumper sticker.” Why add that detail unless you are trying to capture the scene in a particularly religious way? When describing treatment facilities modeling themselves on the 12 Steps, not only were recovering addicts said to be cheap labor, they were said to provide the “evangelism” to shape the curricula of the facilities. A resident of Grateful Life was noted to be “as close to a true believer as the program produces.”

At one point, the author of “Dying To Be Free,” Jason Cherkis, said AA came out “evangelical Christian movements.” More accurately, there is a clear historical connection between a nondenominational Christian movement popular during the 1920s and 1930s called the Oxford Group and Alcoholics Anonymous. The two cofounders of A.A., Bill W. and Dr. Bob met as a result of their personal association with the Oxford Group. A.A. approved books, such as Pass It On, Doctor Bob and the Good Oldtimers and AA Comes of Age freely acknowledge the connection and give further details about it. However, a crucial distinction made by A.A. within its 12 Steps is glossed over by Cherkis and others, namely the spiritual, not religious understanding of God and recovery embodied in the Twelve Steps.

Drawn from the thought of the American psychologist, William James, this distinction between religious and spiritual experience seems to underlie the widespread sense of generic spirituality in American culture today. The Varieties of Religious Experience  (VRE) by James had a fundamental influence on Bill W., the formulation of the Twelve Steps and the spirituality based upon them. In VRE James made a distinction between institutional and personal religion. Worship, sacrifice, ritual, theology, ceremony, and ecclesiastical organization were the essentials of what he referred to as institutional religion.

Personal religion/spirituality for his [James’] purposes was defined as “the feelings, acts, and experiences of [the] individual . . . in their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation to whatever they may consider the divine.” In the broadest sense possible, this spirituality consisted of the belief that there was an unseen order to existence, and supreme good lay in harmoniously adjusting to that order.

Whether their disregard of the spiritual, not religious distinction is intentional or not, Cherkis and others give an incomplete and biased picture of Twelve Step recovery when they fail to note it. The very heart of Twelve Step spirituality is the permissibility of the individual to formulate a personal understanding of their “god.” So what unites members of Twelve Step groups like A.A. is the diversity of religious and spiritual belief permitted—even to accepting a lack of belief. I’ve written several other articles on the similarities and differences between the spirituality of the Twelve Steps and religious spirituality on this website. There are three particular articles that discuss the influences on the spiritual, not religious distinction of Twelve Step recovery: “What Does Religious Mean?”, “Spiritual Not Religious Experience” and “The God of the Preachers.”

Another example of how “Dying To Be Free” misrepresents the recovery philosophy of A.A. is the following. While introducing a discussion of Charles Dederich and the origins of Synanon, Cherkis said Dederich and others took a “hard line message” from some of Bill W.’s written philosophy. Cherkis wrote: “Those who can’t stick with the program are ‘constitutionally incapable of being honest with themselves,’ reads the Big Book. ‘They seem to have been born that way.’” The two selective quotes were from the first paragraph of chapter five, “How It Works,” in Alcoholics Anonymous. Notice how the context of the complete paragraph changes your understanding of what Bill W. said in his “philosophy”:

Rarely have we seen a person fail who has thoroughly followed our path. Those who do not recover are people who cannot or will not completely give themselves to this simple program, usually men and women who are constitutionally incapable of being honest with themselves. There are such unfortunates. They are not at fault; they seem to have been born that way. They are naturally incapable of grasping and developing a manner of living which demands rigorous honesty. Their chances are less than average.

As Cherkis began to discuss the history of the expansion of drug treatment facilities in the 1960s, he quoted Nancy Campbell, a professor at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, as saying: “The history of 12-step came out of white, middle-class, Protestant people who want to be respectable.” She added that it offered community and belonging that was predicated on being normal, respectable and having a stake in mainstream society.  Campbell may be a historian, but she seems to have a distorted view of the early history of 12 Step recovery in A.A.

From the sociological perspective of labeling theory A.A. and other organizations based on their 12 Steps, like N.A. (Narcotics Anonymous), can at least be partially seen as social movements that seek to combat negative images associated with socially deviant drinking or drugging behavior, “in effect denying that their actions make them deviants.” This applies the idea of tertiary deviance, first described by John Kituse in: “Coming Out All Over: Deviants and the Politics of Social Problems.” Kituse noted that some people stigmatized as deviant (here as alcoholics) “rebel against their labels and attempt to reaffirm their self-worth and lost social status.” The above quote and reference to Kituse is found in a standard social science textbook by Clinard and Meier, Sociology of Deviant Behavior.  So part of Campbell’s assessment of 12 Step groups as social movements seeking to offer community and belonging, with a “stake in mainstream society” is accurate. However, the quote attributed to her glosses over the early history of A.A., which was the beginning of the 12 Step movement.

A.A. celebrates the anniversary of its founding on June 10, 1935. That was in the midst of the Depression. Bill W. and his wife Lois were living then in a house owned by her father on Clinton Street in New York City. In September of 1936, Lois’s father died and the house was taken over by the mortgage company, which allowed them to stay on for a small rental. In the midst of the Depression, they didn’t want the house to be empty. While struggling with “their acute poverty,” Bill was almost persuaded to accept a position as a paid alcoholism therapist at Towns Hospital, where he himself had been treated several times. He eventually declined the offer.

Almost two and a half years after the founding of A.A., Bill W. was jobless and Dr. Bob was in danger of losing his house. In 1938, through the charity of John D. Rockefeller Jr., $5,000 was approved for a fund that would pay off Dr. Bob’s mortgage and allow a weekly draw of $30 for each of them. Rockefeller told one of his associates afterwards: “But please don’t ever ask me for any more.” In 1939, as the Depression eased, the mortgage company was able to sell the Clinton Street house and Bill and Lois became homeless. They lived “as vagabonds,” as various places for two years. Bill W. and Lois eventually led a respectable, middle class lifestyle, but that wasn’t what it was like for them in the beginning of A.A.

This history is found in Pass It On, published by Alcoholics Anonymous World Services, Inc. In the early days of A.A., Bill W. repeatedly turned down offers to professionalize his work with A.A. This doesn’t entirely sound like a movement trying to gain white, middle class respectability. The Traditions of A.A., formally adopted in July of 1950, articulated this philosophy of non-professionalism and a focus on helping other alcoholics in the fifth, sixth and eighth Traditions.

Tradition Five Reads: “Each group has but one primary purpose—to carry its message to the alcoholic who still suffers.” Tradition Six reads: “An A.A. group ought never endorse, finance, or lend the A.A. name to any related facility or outside enterprise, lest problems of money, property, and prestige divert us from our primary purpose.” Tradition Eight reads: “Alcoholics Anonymous should remain forever non-professional, but our service centers may employ special workers.”

Alternative addiction treatment ideologies regularly attack A.A. as “religious,” ignoring or rejecting the spiritual-religious distinction A.A. made within the Twelve Steps from the very beginning. The abstinent-based recovery philosophy embedded in the Twelve Steps seems to be the primary target of these critiques. I see the same tendency in “Dying To Be Free.” The first part of this article addressed the biased portrayal of abstinent-based addiction treatment by Jason Cherkis in “Dying To Be Free.” The third and final part will address how it skimmed over the problems with MAT, specifically Suboxone.

02/18/16

American Polytheism

© vectomart | 123rf.com

© vectomart | 123rf.com

The Baylor Religion Survey looked “under the hood,” so to speak, of the commonly acknowledged fact of American religiosity. Consistent with other findings, it found that 85-90% of Americans said they believed in God, and 71.5% said they prayed at least once per week. Almost half (49.2%) said they attended church at least once per month. “In fact, under the surface American religion is startlingly complex and diverse. Americans may agree that God exists. They do not agree about what God is like, what God wants for the world, or how God feels about politics.” Let’s see what the Baylor researchers found out.

One of the intriguing aspects of the Baylor Religion Survey was how it assessed religious affiliation. Most surveys simply ask the person to select their affiliation or denomination from a list. But this has become increasingly problematic as more and more Americans lose a strong denominational identity through the rise of nondenominational congregations as well as congregations that minimize their denominational ties. I watched with interest as a large local church completed its building program and shed the “Assembly of God” part of its name to simply become “Church.” Rick Warren’s Saddleback megachurch is similar. How many people realize it is part of the Southern Baptist denomination? I didn’t.

What the Baylor researchers did was look beyond mere denominational affiliation. In addition to the typical checklist of denominations, they asked respondents to give the name and address of their places of worship. This enabled them to more accurately sort persons into broader religious traditions. By their calculations, Evangelical Protestants comprised 33.6% of their survey; Mainline Protestants were 22.1%; Catholics were 21.2%; the Unaffiliated were 10.8%; Other was 4.9%; Black Protestant were 5.0%; and Jewish were 4.9%. See the Survey for further information on these religious traditions.

The so-called “nones,” individuals not affiliated with any religious tradition, have been getting a lot of attention in the reporting on religious surveys lately. The Baylor Religion Survey found that 62.9% of American nones believed in God or some higher power. Most of these individuals (44.5% of the 62.9%) reported a belief in a higher power. There were 37.1% of nones who said they didn’t believe in a God or higher power, while 11.6% believed without any doubts and 6.9% sometimes believed in God or believed with doubts. Almost one third of the unaffiliated (31.6%) reported praying at least occasionally; 10.1% of those prayed daily. What comes to mind is the spiritual, not religious language and distinction made within Twelve Step groups.

Another intriguing aspect of the Baylor Religion Survey was how it used 29 questions about God’s character and behavior to get a sense of what people meant when they said they believed in God. They discovered there were two distinct dimensions of belief in God. The first dimension was God’s level of engagement or activity. This captured the extent to which the individual believed God is directly involved in worldly and personal affairs. The second dimension was God’s level of anger. This described the extent to which the person believed God is angered by human sins and tended towards punishing, severe, and wrathful characteristics.

From these two dimensions, the researchers separated their sample into four types of believers: Type A was the Authoritarian God; Type B was the Benevolent God; Type C was the Distant God; Type C was the Critical God. Type A believers scored above the mean on both the activity and anger dimensions. Type B believers scored above the mean on activity, but below the mean on anger. Type C believers scored above the mean on anger, but below the mean on engagement. Type D believers scored below the mean on both the dimensions. See the following figure taken from the Baylor study:

Baylor

What struck me about this way of assessing belief in God was that it captured more of a sense of how the respondents viewed God, closer to the sense of “God as you understand Him” in Twelve Step recovery. These types don’t neatly fit within a denominational category. You could potentially find all four types within one denomination.

Those who believe in an Authoritarian God represent 32% of the population. They think God is very involved in their lives and world affairs. He is responsible for global events like tsunamis and economic upturns. They also tend to feel God is angry and capable of meting out punishment to those who are unfaithful or ungodly.

Those who believe in a Benevolent God make up 23% of the population. They also see God as very active in their daily lives. But they are less likely to believe God is angry and that He acts in wrathful ways. Instead, they see God as a force of positive influence in the world who is less willing to condemn or punish individuals.

Believers in a Critical God comprise 16% of the population. They feel God does not really interact with the world. However, God still observes the world and views the current stat of affairs unfavorably. His displeasure will be felt in another life and divine justice may not occur in this world

Believers in a Distant God include 24% of the population. They think God is not active in the world; neither is He especially angry. These individuals tend towards thinking about God as a cosmic force, which set the laws of nature in motion, similar to deism. As such, God does not “do” things in the world; nor does He hold clear opinions about human activities or world events.

When these views of God are used to sort through selected aspects of religiosity, there were some interesting results. Believers who saw God as active in personal and world affairs, (Type A and Type B), were significantly more likely to attend church services weekly, pray several times a day, believe that Jesus was the Son of God, and be biblical literalists.  See the following table derived from Table 8 in the Baylor Religion Survey.

Type A Authoritarian

Type B Benevolent

Type C Critical

Type D Distant

Attends church weekly

50.9%

31.5%

9.8%

7.8%

Never Attends

13.5%

8.2%

16.7%

41.5%

Prays several times daily

54.8%

31.7%

6.5%

7.0%

Never Prays

1.8%

2.5%

18.4%

38.7%

Biblical Literalist

60.8%

26.5%

10.2%

2.5%

Jesus is the Son of God

41.3%

27.8%

14.4%

16.0%

Denominational affiliation is not the whole story on American spiritual and religious practices and beliefs. While the Baylor Religion Survey and other research, such as that by the Pew Research Center, suggest that “nones” are becoming increasingly secular, there is clear evidence that many still believe in some kind of a transcendent or higher power and pray at least monthly. The Baylor survey found that around 10% prayed daily. The Types of God used to categorize views of God in the Baylor Religion Survey illuminated an understanding of God that cuts across denominations and has some correspondence with the sense of “God as you understand Him” within the Twelve Steps.

This reflects a growing movement in American religiosity towards what William James described as personal religion in his seminal work, The Varieties of Religious Experience. Institutionally-grounded religious belief and practice is waning, while personal expression of a belief in God and spiritual practices such as prayer continues, even among those who see themselves as not religious. The distinction between institutional and personal religion first articulated by William James in The Varieties of Religious Experience seems to resonate with the modern spiritual, not religious distinction within many Twelve Step groups.